Friday, May 3, 2024

Trenton 1776

American Revolution

26 December 1776

Americans: George Washington, 5,402 with 17 guns
Hessians: Johann Gottleib Rall, 1,356 with 6 guns

Weather: What they call a "Nor'easter" in this part of the United States. Cold, blasting wind from the northeast, blowing a mixture of snow and rain. Ice starting to form on the Delaware River and streams.

Location: 40.22 N, 74.76 W    about 26 mi.(42 km) NW of Philadelphia, PA

Dawn Twilight: 6:50   Sunrise: 7:21  Sunset: 16:40   End Twilight: 17:10: Moonrise: 17:31 nearly full
(calculated from U.S.Naval Observatory site)

Several years ago, while visiting friends in Princeton, we went to the site of Washington's famous crossing of the Delaware and his subsequent victories at Trenton and Princeton at the end of 1776. These two battles were dubbed by historians of the American Revolution a turning point. Up to this date, the year 1776 was near catastrophic for the American cause of independence, with an unending string of British victories and Washington's army virtually annihilated, driven south, clear out of New Jersey and into Pennsylvania. It was only the coming of winter that kept the British commander, Lord Howe, from ending the entire war then. While the Battle of Trenton may not be so obscure to students of American history (as opposed to the average American on a Jimmy Kimmel street interview who couldn't tell you what came first, the Civil War or WWII), not many may know that if it weren't for this tiny, half-hour battle, the American Revolution was on the verge of collapsing. The United States might never have existed. Yet Trenton was more of a raid than a full-on battle. It was like one of those Schrödinger moments in quantum theory where the universe split into two metaverses.

High-res map of action at Trenton from about 08:00 until 08:30 when Washington's army surprised the pants off the Hessian garrison. 






Home by Christmas (Where have we heard that one before?)

Since the signing of the Declaration of Independence by Congress on (...anyone? anyone? Oh, come on!), the year 1776 had been one humiliating defeat after another for the American cause. After they evacuated Boston in March with their tails between their legs,  British had sent some 30,000 troops, including 17,000 Hessian mercenaries, to their rebellious colonies in over 125 warships, the bulk of their fleet to New York. Washington had lost every battle since then, including both forts on the Hudson (Forts Lee and Washington). What remained of his army had been forced to retreat all the way from New York down to Trenton, New Jersey, 73 miles. To the Brothers Howe (General and Admiral), who had been tasked by Parliament and the King to suppress the insolent bumpkins of any delusions of independence, it certainly looked, by the end of the year, that the rebellion was done. They had issued a demand for unconditional surrender on 30 November. It even looked like the end to Washington, and to many members of Congress.

General William Howe
Commander of His Majesty's Land
Forces in North America while
his brother, Admiral Richard Howe,
conveniently commanded the
Royal Navy.
 

By December 7 Washington managed to ferry what was left of his ragtag army over the Delaware River into Pennsylvania. He also had his men collect all the boats on the New Jersey side for a distance of forty miles up and down the river and either burn them or take them across to the west bank, depriving them from the pursuing enemy.  For their part the British, under Generals Cornwallis and Howe, had been dawdling up at New Brunswick during the week Washington had been getting his army over the river into Pennsylvania and only managed to reach the Delaware at Trenton a day after Washington had pulled his army across to safety. Neither British commander was particularly concerned. They decided that the rebels were finished and that they themselves should just settle down into comfy winter quarters now and finish the job come the spring, as any 18th century gentleman would. According to long custom, European armies of this period didn't fight during the winter, when forage was scarce. Besides, with all the boats gone and no bridges over the Delaware, they could use the winter months to build their own flotilla of boats.  Also the river was starting to freeze over, effectively shutting down all the ferries, but not frozen enough to risk walking over with horses and artillery.

For weeks Washington had been vainly trying to persuade his subordinate commander, Gen. Charles Lee, to bring his 7,000 men down from Peekskill on the upper Hudson in New York and join him. Lee (not to be confused with the soon-to-be-famous "Light Horse" Harry Lee) was a veteran English officer of Seven Years War experience, was contemptuous of Washington, whom he considered an amateur. Though Washington had been assigned Commander-in-Chief by Congress the previous year, Lee had long felt he, with his obviously superior military experience , should've been the one. In fact, Lee had been corresponding with partisan members of Congress to lobby for his replacement over Washington, whom he described as "indecisive of mind". For weeks he had been prevaricating and refusing to budge his army, replying to Washington's polite entreaties to reinforce him (the C-in-C was too deferential to issue direct orders in the "I'm your boss, that's why" vein) that he felt it important to remain where he was, threatening the British rear. He did have a point. Both Cornwallis and Howe themselves had been worried about their northern flank and regarded Lee as the more competent soldier over Washington (British, you know, unlike the colonial yokel, Washington). And Lee had been sending out frequent raiding parties on their lines of communication. So he felt he was performing a more valuable strategic deterrent to Howe's drive south.

Finally, on December 12, Lee did order Maj.Gen. John Sullivan to march south (via Tinicum Ferry on the upper Delaware) with his division of 2,100 men to join Washington, promising to come later with the rest of his force, though that had been greatly diminished by the expiration of enlistments at the beginning of December. But luck favored the British (and ironically the American cause) when, the next day while enjoying breakfast in his bathrobe at an inn, Lee was captured by a British light cavalry patrol (under the later notorious villain, Banastre Tarleton--well, notorious to Americans who blamed him for a number of massacres of captured prisoners in South Carolina later in the war). This greatly relieved Cornwallis and Howe. As I mentioned, they considered Lee the most dangerous threat to their movements south, but that Washington was a negligible one.

Ha! They'll soon see!

After the capture of Lee, Howe was convinced that the war was all but won. All of his intelligence from Loyalist Americans (called, derisively, "Tories" by the Patriots) and his spies in Congress was that the rebels were done for. He was also aware that most of the American soldiers' enlistments were set to expire at the end of the month and that Congress did not yet have the authority raise money to pay for or even call up fresh recruits (this was then the sole responsibility of each state). In a panic Congress, in fact, had evacuated Philadelphia and fled to Baltimore, expecting the British to march into the American capital before Christmas. And their warships were already at the mouth of the Delaware. Once across the river from Trenton, it was only a two day march for the Redcoats to the capital.  But Howe, supremely confident, ordered his army in New Jersey to stand down and settle into winter quarters. He and Cornwallis went back to New York, where Cornwallis was due to sail back to England. Howe would leisurely mop up the rest of the beaten rebels in the spring.  

"Victory or Death"

Johann Gottleib Rall
Commander of the Hessian
Brigade at Trenton


Major General James Grant, who had recently assumed command of the Crown's forces of this part of New Jersey, was stationed up in New Brunswick, 27 miles northeast of Trenton. He had been receiving alarming reports from his commanders about an increasing number of raids by insurgents on their posts. Grant thought there was nothing to worry about. He, like Howe, also regarded the insurrection as essentially over and these raids just irritating and sporadic last gasps of a failed insurgency. But he sent a politely-worded note to Col Johann Rall, in charge of the Hessian brigade at Trenton, that he might want to erect some earthworks around the town, just in case. Rall, who was contemptuous of the rebels as well (he had been at the twin victories over them at  Long Island, White Plains and Fort Washington), referred to them as "country clowns" or a more scatological epithet in German. He thought earthworks were unnecessary, snorting, "Scheiszer bey Scheisz! ["shitty shits"] Let them come! We want no trenches; we'll have at them with bayonets!" But he was, at least, prudent enought to send out pickets to the outskirts of town. He also issued a standing order that one of his three battalions stand to arms each night in a rotating schedule, just in case.

For his part, Col.von Donop, who was officially senior to Col Rall, had his own brigade of Hessians and two companies of Redcoats, (the 42nd Highland Black Watch), down at Bordentown, six miles to the southwest of Trenton (see map below). Von Donop was more concerned that the rebels might try a crossing over the Delaware further south at Bristol to Burlington, so he moved his 1,500 men down that direction to intercept them, to Mt. Holly, 18 miles from Trenton. Col. Rall also noticed increased enemy activity directly across the river from Trenton at Morrisville (Ewing's militia) and urged von Donop to come back up north again to support him. As there was no love lost between these two German officers, von Donop ignored Rall's request. 

Meanwhile, on Christmas Day, Washington had moved two divisions (John Sullivan's and Nathaniel Greene's, 5,400 men) over to McKonkey's Ferry on the Delaware, nine miles northwest of Trenton. Apparently a Loyalist spy on Washington's staff had been at a general planning meeting on Christmas Eve up at the American headquarters at Buckingham in which he heard plans of an attack across the Delaware at Colvin's Ferry, directly across from Trenton. That spy wasted no time in jumping on his horse and galloping south to alert the Hessians in Trenton. But Washington then convened a smaller staff meeting to plan the actual crossing, at McKonkey's landing, beginning at sunset on the 25th. One wonders whether he and his close cohorts knew about this spy and simply used him to hear the bogus plan and let him go report it. I'd like to think so.

Washington had already sent orders to Ewing down at Morrisville to cross the Delaware at Colvin's Ferry with his 700 men, and also for Cadwalader with his force of 2,400 to cross at Bristol over to Burlingham to draw von Donop down south, away from Trenton (the Americans, naturally, had their ubiquitous spies too). These demonstrations were clearly intended to distract the enemy about the actual object and line of attack. Or the actual day.  Or the actual crossing point. This ploy reminds me of Alexander's strategies at the Granicus and the Jhelum two thousand years before, which also involved cross-river attacks and distractions (I encourage you to read my articles on those two battles), leading to me to wonder if Washington was familiar, in his classical education, with Plutarch and Arrian. Probably. There's a lot of wondering in this article, isn't there?

During this last planning session, too, a staff officer, Lt. Col. Joseph Reed, noticed that Washington had been scribbling notes again and again, wadding them up and throwing them on the floor. Afterward the Reed had picked up one of the discarded pieces of paper, and all it said was "Victory or Death." It wasn't ranting. It was the password for the crossing, an exhortation to the troops, and finally a reminder to Washington himself how much was riding on this Hail Mary Pass.

Movement and positions of the forces beginning at midnight on Christmas Day.


The Crossing

Washington had been preparing for his crossing up at McKonkey's Ferry for a couple of weeks. As I wrote earlier, once he crossed over into Pennsylvania on 7 December, he had commandeered every boat and ferry for forty miles up and down the Delaware on either side of Trenton, stripping the right bank (the eastern shore) of boats. If the British were going to cross, they'd have to build their own. But by mid-December the Delaware was starting to freeze over. By January it was anticipated that it would be completely frozen enough to take the weight of marching men, so that the British wouldn't need any boats (just skates, I guess). So, for this reason alone, if Washington was going to strike back, he had to do it while the river was still liquid.  He had also chosen to make his assault on Christmas night because it was his understanding that the Germans traditionally partied hard on Weinachten and would probably be hung over the next morning. He wasn't wrong.

Washington had to act soon for another reason. Enlistments for most of his regiments were due to expire by 1 January, which meant men would be returning home in their hundreds. Congress, as I've mentioned, didn't yet have the authority to fund or raise new troops on a national level. This was the responsibility of individual states, who themselves were still in the process of organizing their own new governments for the war effort. If he was going to use what forces he had to save the new country, he had to do it in the next two remaining weeks of this year.

So he had the divisions of Sullivan and Greene muster at McKonkey's Ferry on Christmas Day. Specialized, steep-sided boats called Durham boats, originally designed to carry heavy cargoes of iron ore, were assembled from iron mills up and down the river. And McKonkey's flat-bottom ferry rafts were commandeered to transport the horses and the 17 cannon. Each man was given a double-load of ammunition (60 rounds) and three days of rations. Because any semblance of uniforms had long since disintegrated, the men stuck pieces of white paper in their hats to distinguish them from the enemy. Though, since the enemy would be wearing their own uniforms and fusilier and grenadier helmets, I'm not sure why this was necessary. But also, it might have been necessary because the Hessians had blue uniforms like the Continentals. Anyway; an interesting detail.

The plan was for the 5,400 man army to commence its crossing on the afternoon of the 25th, assemble on the opposite bank, and then march down two roads to Trenton (The River Road and the Pennington Road), arriving there by 06:00, or an hour-and-a-half before dawn, when the Hessian garrison was presumed to be still asleep, then launch the surprise attack. 

Modern panorama (well, 2008 modern) from the Pennsylvania side of McKonkey's Ferry. That doesn't look so far, right? Well. Do it at night, in freezing cold and blinding sleet, and imagine the river filled with little ice bergs.




Below: The most familiar painting of Washington's Crossing by Emanuel Leutz in 1851, at the Met in New York. Please ignore the "Betsy Ross" flag. That didn't exist yet.  And yes, too, Washington would probably have been sitting. And the ice that was forming didn't look like rock candy. Oh, and the light is coming from the wrong direction (would've been from the right since it was sunset). Otherwise, it's accurate.



The crossing started at 16:45 that day, right after sunset. Though the weather was initially bright and sunny that afternoon, by the early evening a "Nor'easter" storm had blown in and it started to rain pretty heavily, right into the men's faces. By nightfall the rain had turned to hail and then snow. Ice started to show up in the river. The crossing was taking longer than anticipated. 

The author and an old friend, Karen Smith,
at the site of Washington's Crossing, 2008.

Washington and his staff were in the first wave over the river, and then supervised the army as it followed them. The storm had put the whole operation far behind schedule and it wasn't until about 02:00 that all the infantry were safely over. But it took still another hour for the artillery to be transported and unloaded. Then the whole army, forming up in the freezing cold, didn't get moving off the landing area until 04:00, four hours behind schedule.

Once over and formed up, Sullivan's division turned right to take the River Road down to Trenton. Greene moved inland about a mile and at a check point marked by an inn, Bear Tavern, took the Pennington Road on a parallel route. Once Americans headed to the southeast, the freezing wind was more from their back left shoulders (and would be in the faces of any enemy pickets they'd run into). This made the remaining eight miles they had to march somewhat easier...they kept telling themselves.

Washington's troops marching south to Trenton. Painting  by Don Troiani (posted with permission). You need to visit his site to see his remarkably good illustrations of American history.

Meanwhile, to the south, Ewing's and Cadwalader's attempts across the Delaware against the lower approaches to Trenton had been stopped by the storm. The ice, apparently, was even heavier in the river below the town. If the Hessian pickets noticed these attempted crossings, they evidently didn't think they were worth reporting to Rall since they were aborted. And these failed attempts probably reassured the Hessian commander that Washington wasn't going to try anything that night. 

The Hessian troops in Trenton, meanwhile, and contrary to popular legend, were not getting drunk celebrating Christmas. They were, for the most part, kept on edge by irritating raids being made by local militia. And the regiment on duty that night (von Knyphausen) was kept awake all night by these sporadic raids. Their brigade commander, Col. Rall, by contrast, was up most of the night. He was getting drunk and playing cards at the houses of Stacy Potts (one of the locals who had remained behind when the Hessian troops came to occupy their town) and later at Abraham Hunt's house. 


Abraham Hunt
Tried but acquitted for collaboration with
the enemy, he may have played a crucial
role in distracting Col. Rall the night before
the battle by getting him drunk and playing
an all-night card game.
Oh, and yes, you're right, he does look
like an Addams Family character.

Hunt, a Continental official, was entertaining the German officers with wine, beer, food, and cards. Though he was later tried by the Continental Army for collaboration with the enemy, he was never convicted. Instead, there is evidence that he was consciously trying to get Rall and his officers drunk and distracted. While the wine and card party was going on, a Loyalist farmer banged on the front door and demanded to see Rall to deliver a sealed message to the effect that Washington had crossed the Delaware and was that moment descending on the town from the north. Hunt greeted the Tory at the door but wouldn't let him in. He promised he'd deliver the envelope himself to Rall. Either he didn't or when he did  told Rall it was nothing. The Hessian commander reportedly just pocketed the message without opening to read it and went on drinking and playing cards until he went to bed in the wee hours. So it seems that Hunt may have had a role in distracting Rall and his staff...for his country. That's his story and he's stickin' to it.

As I mentioned above, through the night--as throughout many nights prior to this Christmas--outposts were reporting that there were small raids around the outskirts of the town. Occasionally the Hessian officers would hear short bursts of musketry. But in the snow storm it was hard to tell the direction it was coming from. In fact it was now snowing so hard that Rall thought it highly unlikely that Washington would attempt anything major now. On Christmas night? Really? This is the 18th century! Middle of the Enlightenment! Even the country clowns don't do things like that on Christmas! Pour another round, Mr. Hunt!

Washington himself was said to be irritated that some of these freelance raiding parties were active that night, fearful that they would alert the Hessians. And he was also disappointed when Ewing had sent word that his attempt to cross the river and seize the southern bridge into Trenton had failed. But, ironically, it was all this partisan activity that itself reassured Rall that nothing big was going to happen. These pathetic little raids had been going on for days. The ones this night may have unintentionally served as misdirection...or perhaps intentionally. But we'll give it to Washington's brilliance...or his luck.

Imagine Rall's surprise, then, at about 08:00, a little after sunrise, when bands of his pickets started running back into town from the north and west, firing frantically into the snowstorm behind them. He  leapt out of bed, pulled on his pants on, threw his uniform over his nightshirt, and went outside to mount his horse and muster his troops.

What's that noise?

Barracks where Hessian troops slept Christmas night, visions of
sugar plums dancing in their heads.  from Google Street View

Both Greene's and Sullivan's divisions had converged on the town from two directions. At first Rall thought the assault was coming just from the north side, where Gen. Henry Knox had set up his battery of nine guns at the top of King and Queen Streets to fire down into the town, and where Gen. Greene was deploying his brigades. The alarm was sounded and Hessian troops started pouring out of their barracks and houses on the south side of town, throwing on their own coats and gear, to form up across King and Queen Streets near the St. Michael's Episcopal Church in the town center. They managed to bring four of their three-pounder battalion guns up with them.

By this time the shot and canister from Knox's guns had 
already started to take their toll, quickly putting two of the Hessian guns out of action.  Greene's men began to pour down the flanks of the town and straight down the green between the main streets. These quickly overwhelmed the still-forming battalions of  Lossburg and Rall, who fell back to the east of town toward the apple orchard (see map above). Rall's intention was to move up toward Princeton and the British support there. The colonel saw, though, that his retreat up that road was blocked by Stephen's and Fermoy's brigades. He rallied  the two regiments and led a counterattack back toward town. By this time, though, the American troops had occupied the houses along Queen and King Streets and were firing at the Hessians from cover. The Hessians had trouble shooting back into the snowstorm, while the enemy fire seemed to be coming from everywhere. This was another example of what the British had experienced the year before during their abortive fiasco at Lexington and Concord. Americans just didn't fight fair! One Loyalist diarist (Janet Schaw) called them "ragamuffins". And it reminds me of that old stand-up bit that imagines the Revolution having been staged like a football game and the umpire announces at the coin toss, "Okay! The Rebels won the toss. They say they can wear any kind of clothes they want to and shoot from behind the rocks and trees. While the British have to wear red and march in a straight line."

During this counterattack, Col. Rall was shot once. He managed to stay on his horse but called off the counterattack and led what was left of his men back toward the orchard. As he did this, though, he was hit again by two more musket balls and fell from his horse.

Stacy Pott's House on King St.
where Col. Rall partied the night before
and died the next night.


Rall, in tremendous pain and losing blood, ordered his men to cease fire and sent a request up to Washington to offer a formal surrender to avoid more bloodshed. Washington rode down and accepted the wounded German's sword and then had him taken back to Stacy Pott's house on King Street to be tended by his own doctors. Sadly, Rall died later that night, 4,000 miles from home. The unread message from the Loyalist spy about Washington's crossing the Delaware was still in his vest pocket. He was buried in an unmarked grave in the cemetery of the First Presbyterian Church on Second Street (now State). Poor guy.

Meanwhile, at the south end of town, the Fusilier Regiment von Knyphausen (who had, you'll recall, been up all night on alert), managed to form up against Sullivan's onslaught from the River Road into the lower west side of town. But the Knyphauseners (if that's what they'd called themselves) were soon out-gunned and out-manned by all three of  Sullivan's brigades that were swarming into town from the south and west. Slowly the Hessians retreated toward the bridge over the Assunpink Creek to attempt to escape that way, but found it blocked by St Clair's and Sargent's brigades and their artillery. They then moved over to another small apple orchard on the southeast side of town above the creek but found retreat up toward Princeton blocked by more American troops under Glover, who had recrossed the creek and hit them from the south. At that point, the Knyphausen commander, Maj. Frederich von Dechow, who was also mortally wounded, ordered his regiment to lay down their arms and surrender, hoping for mercy from the rebels. 

All three battalions of Rall's brigade had surrendered, only minutes after the first shots had been fired. One of the shortest battles (if you can call it that) of the war.

Col. Rall is shot from his horse while leading the counterattack of his grenadiers across Queen Street. Painting courtesy of Don Troiani.


 


Several Hessian troops were in flight, though. There were those who didn't lay down their arms and tried to retreat southward over the Assunpink Creek. Some managed to slip further east in small groups and then north toward Princeton. A few handfuls managed to make it down to Bordenton on the Delaware. But the bulk of the Hessian brigade surrendered.

Col. Rall's formal surrender to Washington. He died of his wounds that night at Stacy Pott's house, the note warning him of Washington's approach still unopened in his pocket. Painting by John Trumbull, 1786, Yale University Gallery


Within half-an-hour, Washington had captured 896 elite Hessian troops (the victors of Long Island, Ft.Washington and White Plains) and their six guns. As I mentioned, some 400 had managed to escape up to Princeton or down to Bordenton, including some jagers and 20 British light dragoons. The Hessians lost 22 killed and 83 seriously wounded. Besides Col. Rall, all of the Hessian battalion commanders were killed. The Americans, though exhausted from their night march through the storm, suffered only four killed and four wounded (including future President James Monroe, who was 18 at the time!). An unrecorded number, though, died later from the long night of exposure and exhaustion. It was reported that many died of frostbite, having been marching barefoot through the snow, but I find this suspect. I know the Americans were ill-clad, and their shoes weren't in the best shape, but I find it hard to believe (other that sympathetic propaganda of heroism) that they were actually barefoot.

Washington had also captured a major supply depot at Trenton, as well as a war chest of some £70,000 (or about £14,000,000 or $18,033,000 today), which went quite far towards refunding the Continental payroll. Lord knows why Howe thought all that would be safer at Trenton instead of back in New York.

In short, Trenton was a stunningly lopsided victory.

It was also unexpected. No one on the British side had thought the Americans were capable of such a feat. Everyone there assumed the rebels were beaten and that it was only for the British to cross the Delaware, march the short distance to Philadelphia, and accept their surrender. Trenton was a shock, much as the surprise Tet Offensive  had been a shock to the Americans and ARVN who had assumed the Viet Cong were beaten in South Vietnam in January 1968. Trenton demonstrated not just to the British, but to Congress that the American people were not only far from beaten; they were, in fact, at their most dangerous.

The reaction of the British command, all the way back to Gen. Howe in New York, was to strike back. Within hours of learning of the catastrophe on the Delaware, Lord Cornwallis, Howe's favorite field commander, had cancelled his voyage home to England and rode down to New Brunswick to consult with Gen. Grant.  Col.von Donop moved his Hessians back up to Princeton to reinforce that garrison on the 28th. Things were starting to move in the King's army to redress the insult of Trenton.  By 2 January, Cornwallis had assembled some 9,500 around Princeton to counterattack.

The End of the Beginning

After a day of rest in Trenton itself, Washington decided it was too dangerous to remain on that side of the Delaware. Though he was urged by Nathaniel Greene and Henry Knox to continue the momentum and take Bordenton and then Princeton, he thought it was prudent to withdraw his army, while he still had it, back across the Delaware. So on the 28th they all marched back up (with their nine hundred Hessian prisoners and their captured guns) and recrossed at McKonkey's Ferry again with the boats still up there. Washington went west to Newtown, six miles southwest from the ferry,  to establish his new headquarters while his army rested. He must have heard they have great cappuccinos there.

While Washington was withdrawing, Gen. Cadwalader, who had been unable to cross the river on the day of battle, now did, landing at Burlington and moving up toward Bordenton in pursuit of Col.von Donop. Washington had sent Gen. Thomas Mifflin from his staff to take command over Cadwalader with an additional 1,500 Pennsylvania militia. Though the new year was approaching and the enlistments of the Continental troops fast expiring, Mifflin made an appeal to them to stay with the army while the momentum of victory was with them.  Many agreed to. At the same time, he sent a request to Washington to recross the Delaware and resume the aggressive campaign while the British were on their heels. 

Washington did. On the 30th he recrossed the Delaware and set up temporary headquarters on Queen Street. From there he issued his own plea to the Continental troops whose enlistment was going to expire on 1 January to stay with him. Though many passed and started marching home, enough took up the plea (and a $10 bounty--or about six weeks' pay) that Washington was able to keep about 3,300 original troops with him.  He had also sent out requests for militia companies to come join him. He now had, including Cadwalader's division, some 6,800 and 30 guns. But he also learned that the British under Gen. Cornwallis were bearing down on him from Princeton with 9.500 Redcoats.

The Americans dug in on the high ground behind the Assunpink below Trenton. There was only a single bridge over that creek and the ground up to the east of it was all swampy. On 2 January instead of trying to maneuver around it, Cornwallis, still contemptuous of Americans' fighting prowess, ordered a frontal attack across the bridge. Three times the Redcoats charged across the narrow bridge and three times they were thrown back with great loss. Cornwallis called off the attack and pulled back to Beake's Farm north of Trenton. Again he made the same judgmental error that Howe had made, that the Americans were beaten and he would be able to swarm over them and wipe them up in the morning.

Yeah. That didn't happen. 

In the night, Washington, leaving 500 men and two guns to tend the fires at the Assunpink Creek bridge, fooling the Redcoats, snuck the rest of his army east and north to hit Cornwallis from behind at Princeton. Again, Washington was taking his lessons from Alexander the Great. And his withdrawal from the position at the creek was just a repetition of how he had withdrawn from Long Island under Cornwallis' nose, sucker-punching the arrogant general again, and managing to achieve yet another decisive victory at Princeton the next day. 



While these were relatively small victories (especially when you compare them to my previous article on the Battle of Prague nine years earlier--involving 125,000 men and 25,000 casualties), they came at the worst possible time for the British and just in the nick of it for the Americans. Two weeks before, both sides were all but certain that Lord Howe had completely defeated the rebels and it was only a matter of days before the abject surrender of the Continental Congress and what was left of the pathetic Continental Army.  Trenton had flipped that expectation on its butt. Just as the 1968 Tet Offensive flipped the expectation that the Vietnam War was about to end in that critical U.S. election year, the one that ended in Richard Nixon defeating Hubert Humphrey on a promise of ending the war. (Ha! Suckers!) While it was only the end of the beginning, Trenton turned out to be the turning point in the American War of Independence. Americans in their thousands now signed up, realizing they could actually whip King George. Congress dug its heels in and refused to negotiate with the Crown. And the British opposition Whig party in Parliament, began to gain power to reverse what they saw as Lord North's Tories' and the king's idiotic and bankrupting policies. There would be another seven long years
and many defeats for the Americans. But the United States would never have begun were it not for the mortal risk Washington took at Trenton.

Armchair General Section

A lot of mistakes were made on both sides at Trenton, but, as with every battle, more on one side than the other. 

Washington's Mistakes

For the most part, except for the weather and the overly optimistic time-table, Washington didn't make too many mistakes. He may have counted too much on the ability of Cadwalader and Ewing to make their own crossings at and below Trenton. He was afraid that they might have tipped his hand and alerted the British. Even the impromptu, freelance raids that some militia were making on Hessian pickets that night that made Washington mad ended up serving his purpose by creating a lot of noise, concealing the thunderclap to come the next morning. As it turned out, these failed attempts not only didn't tip his hand, they inadvertently drew enemy forces (von Donop's) away from the primary target, Trenton. They also lulled the Hessian Rall into thinking that Ewing's and Cadwalader's failed crossings and the few pathetic militia raids were all the pathetic rebels had. 

Another mistake that may have led to disaster was Washington's decision to move back over the Delaware to the Pennsylvannia side. The river had really started to freeze over by the 30th, and it became more and more difficult to move what was left of his army (particularly his artillery) back over to Trenton. Luck was still with him, but a wargame scenario in which the weather was even more serious could've changed everything. 

Other than these small mistakes, Washington's entire maneuver, and the intricacy of all the parts of his envelopment of the town were carried out like clockwork. The Hessians didn't have a chance. Except that the very intricacy of all the moving parts of Washington's plan seemed also to have been its largest vulnerability (scroll down to Wargaming Trenton section below). It may have been that grim determination of the American soldiers to exact revenge on the Hessian invaders overcame any flaws in the plan itself. 

Hessian Mistakes

The bad calls on the part of Rall were many. He should have taken his intelligence more seriously. His contempt for American fighting abilities was to prove his undoing. In a way, the string of relatively easy Hessian victories over the Rebels in the months prior was an example of "success-induced failure".  Rall and his officers just didn't think the Yankee ragamuffins (in Janet Schaw's words) would be capable of an intricate and devastating counterstroke.  They all thought the enemy was done for and cowering, waiting for the end on the other side of the Delaware. Indeed, the entire British command, all the way up to the Howe brothers, assumed this. 

Rall's and von Donop's childish contempt for each other prevented them from cooperating.  Von Donop moved his command even farther from Trenton the day before the battle (down to Mt. Holly), ignoring Rall's pleas to come closer to support him. One wonders, though, whether this would have made a difference.

I have no idea if Rall actually failed to open the envelope from the Loyalist spy that Abraham Hunt handed him at the card table that night. Or if he read it, did he just dismiss it? It was reported that the note was found in his vest pocket after he died. How do we know he didn't read it? And, if he did, why didn't he act on it and call out the whole garrison that night?

One wonders too, if Rall had taken the precaution of erecting fortifications around Trenton, as he had been advised to do, would it have made any difference? He could have put them up on the high ground above King and Queen Streets to command the town with his artillery. He could have also ordered his troops to fortify certain stone houses to cover intersections and streets. It would certainly not have been as easy for the Americans to swarm into the town and command the high ground and the bridge over the Assunpink. One of their decisive advantages was surprise and the fact that the Hessians weren't anywhere near ready in defense.

But once the battle had started, things moved too fast to redress any of this lack of preparation. The Continentals were swarming in and around the town. It was all the German troops could do to  throw on their coats, grab their muskets, and muster on the snow-covered lawns between the widely spaced houses. 

In the end, though, the chief error on the part of the Crown's army was in overconfidence in their own strength and contempt for the competence, resolve, and resourcefulness of the Americans. This went all the way up to the top, to Howe in New York, and Prime Minister North in London.  They all misread the Americans. And much criticism (or praise, if you're an American, like me) goes to the overall British command for spreading their forces too thinly across New Jersey that winter.

Wargaming Trenton

In wargaming Trenton, attention should be given to rules which take into account the following factors: 

  1. Weather: Cold, icy wind and snow blowing from the northeast, which would tend to blind any shooting in that direction. With blowing snow, too, visibility would have been greatly limited in all directions.

  2. Fatigue: The American forces had been up all night, marching in the snow, soaking, and freezing. Make sure your assignment of combat efficiency to the American side takes this into account.

  3. Morale: If your wargame rules allow for surprise adjustments to morale, make sure the Hessian side is affected by surprise. At the same time, because the Americans were itching for payback and probably excited about surprising the hell out of the enemy, they should be given a morale boost.

  4. Hand-to-Hand Combat with Bayonets: At this early stage of the war, it has been generally accepted that British and Hessian troops, being professional soldiers, had bayonets attached to their muskets, while the American troops did not. This might have led to a vulnerability on the American side to a Hessian charge. One might want to give a close-combat bonus, then, to any Hessian attack that ended in hand-to-hand combat. Or, possibly, to have American troops automatically retreat a certain distance when Hessians charged them.  See this interesting Reddit post on the subject:

Experimental Premises of Trenton could be played on two scales, strategic and tactical. Here are some scenarios and conditions one might experiment with.

  1. Timing:  Experiment with the premise that Sullivan's and Greene's divisions didn't converge on Trenton at the same time; that one or the other could have been one or two hours later in arriving. Would this have made a difference in the Hessian's response and mustering? Roll  dice at each turn to see if either wing shows up on the board.

  2. Weather: What if that winter storm did not arrive and the weather was calm? Would this have affected the time table of the attack? Or the visibility? Or would it have allowed Cadwalader and Ewing to cross the Delaware in support of Washington after all?

  3.  Hessian Support: What if Rall and von Donop had been more cordial with each other, or at least coordinated their operations? Would it have made a difference if the Hessians had both commands at Trenton, or von Donop's within supporting distance?

  4. Intelligence: What if the British side had used its intelligence assets more effectively, both cavalry patrols and Loyalist informants? Would it have made a difference if, in a game, the British player could reconnoiter crossing points of the Delaware?


Orders of Battle

The following OOB lists were compiled primarily from the David Bonk's Osprey book, Trenton and Princeton 1776-77. The units only include those actually participating in the battle and not the American troops who were not able to cross the Delaware per the original plan (hope they have a good excuse).

Command, besides listing the name of each command, this cell is also color-coded for the primary uniform coat color of the regiment.  For the American troops, this color coding is mostly speculative since so many had essentially civilian coats, or brown coats, and those extremely tattered by this stage of the war. Nearly all of the New England soldiers were wearing brown coats, so reflected here.

Facing is color-coded in the facings of the regiment (e.g. cuffs, lapels, etc.). As with the coat color, where I could not find a reference, I assigned the default red facing.

Flags displays miniatures of the flags carried into battle by the units. Again, where I could not find a specific reference, I would leave this blank or use the default Continental Flag of the New England regiments (pine tree on a red field). Do not use this as a scholarly source, though.

Strength   The strength reported by each unit on its roster on 22 Dec, as listed in Bonk's OOB.
 
Guns are the number of artillery tubes assigned to each command. Calibers of the ordnance listed on the far right.
 
Ranks is the standard deployment depth for each type and army at the time of the battle. Though the Hessians were used to deploying in 3 ranks, under the orders of Gen Howe, they were instructed to deploy in 2 ranks as did the rest of the British army at this time.
 
 Notes This column is used to mark artillery calibers. But I've also used this to show the color schemes of Hessian grenadier and fusilier headgear, for quick reference. For anyone painting models, I refer to the Hesse-Kassel section on regiments on the  Kronoskaf. site.



References


Bonk, David, Trenton and Princeton 1776-77 2009, Osprey Publishing, ISBN 978-1-844603-350-6 

Breen,T.H., American Insurgents / American Patriots, 2010, Hill & Wang, ISBN 978-0-8090-7588-1

Hibbert, Chistopher, Redcoats and Rebels: The American Revolution Through British Eyes, 1990, .W. Norton ISBN 0-393-02895-X

McCullough, David, 1776, 2005, Simon & Schuster, ISBN 0-7432-2671-2

Stephenson, Michael, Patriot Battles: How the War of Independence Was Fought, 2007, Harper Collins, ISBN 978-0-06-073261-5

Online

Curran, Jonathan, "Crossing the Delaware", National Museum of the  United States Army

"Washington Crossing the Delaware — the Legendary Move that Saved America", American History Central

 Proclamation of demand for surrender from Admiral and General Howe, Nov.30, 1776

Sunday, March 24, 2024

Prague 1757

Seven Years War

6 May 1757

Prussians: Frederick II, approx. 64,000 (45,000 infantry, 17,300 cavalry, 210 guns)
Austrians: Charles of Lorraine and Count von Browne approx 61,000, (48,000 infantry, 12,600 cavalry, 189 guns)

Weather A beautiful day in the neighborhood.

Location:  50°05'05.7"N 14°30'30.8"E about 4.4 mi (7.1 km) east of the nearest Starbucks in Prague.

Dawn Twilight:  03:52 Sunrise: 4:29  Sunset: 19:28  Twilight Ends: 20:06  Moonrise: 22:21 nearly full
(calculated from U.S.Naval Observatory site)

I've decided to add to my collection of Seven Years War battles, since I haven't done one in, oh, eight years, longer than the war itself lasted. (the last one I wrote about was Zorndorf 1758). And this one, Prague, was fairly early in that war. It preceded Frederick's first tactical and strategic defeat at Kolin a little over a month later. Also this was itself a near-run battle, with both sides making tactical mistakes that could have easily flipped the victory. In fact, one could argue about whether either side won, considering the Prussians paid for their taking the field with far more casualties than the Austrians, and failed to capture Prague (Frederick's stated strategic objective).  Also a little over a month later the  Austrians pretty well spanked Fritz's ass good.

The other notable aspect of this obscure battle is that it was a massive one, rivaling nearly any other battle during the 18th century  in numbers of combatants (including the early Napoleonic battles) and casualties. It was also significant in that it pitted a then-smaller European power (Prussia) against the dominant military power (Austria) of the Holy Roman Empire. 

As to the casus belli of what came to be known as the Seven Years War, let's just say it was the same as pretty much every other war throughout history: Self-entitled autocrats wanting to sacrifice the lives of millions of their subjects for personal, political, or territorial gain. In that sense, Frederick, seizing Silesia (as he did in the previous War of the Austrian Succession), Saxony, and now Bohemia from Austria, was no different than Putin today trying to seize Ukraine for Russia. It was actually Britain that started the war in North America in 1754 by George Washington seizing some frontier forts from France. This escalated with nearly all the European powers joining either the French or the British in a global war, what Winston Churchill later described as the true First World War.

But it doesn't matter. I'm writing about these battles for themselves, not necessarily how they fit into the vast context of human folly. And I gather that most of my readers just want me to get to the carnage. As my hilarious grandfather used to say whenever we'd set down to watch a war movie on TV, "More fun! More people killed!"

 Campaign map up to Battle of Prague on 6 May. Composed from the meticulous, day-to-day description and maps culled by Kronoskaf from the Kriege Friedrichs des Grossen, volume III by the German Grosser Generalstab. (map image protected by Digimarc copyright, © Jeffery P. Berry Trust, all rights reserved)


The Prelude

This was the second year of the Seven Years War, also known as the Third Silesian War (the first two were part of the War of the Austrian Succession, supposedly settled by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle). Frederick's goals had been somewhat checked by the campaign the previous year, though he did find himself in a better position in Saxony, which drove its Elector Augustus III into exile in Poland. His goal for this year was to add Bohemia (today's Czechia) to his growing empire, now including Prussia, Pomerania, Silesia, and Saxony.

On the Holy Roman side, the goal of Empress Maria-Theresa and her French consort, Francis Stephen, (otherwise known as Emperor Francis I) was to retake the regions of Silesia and Saxony back from Frederick. But in the immediate term, it seemed more important to defend Bohemia from an aggressive Prussian invasion. At first, the Hof Kriegsrath  (or General Staff) in Vienna strongly urged the Empress to appoint the popular and competent Irish-expat Marshal Maximilian von Browne to take overall command of the army. But under pressure from her French husband, the empress appointed his incompetent brother Charles of Lorraine (the loser of Chotusitz 1742 and Soor 1745, and later this year of Leuthen). Browne, an honorable and patriotic soldier, agreed to act as Charles's second-in-command, turning down the offer to serve as co-commander (he knew that wouldn't work--why do so many management boards think a joint CEOship ever works, even to this day?).

Charles, however, was feeling a bit under the weather and delayed moving up to Bohemia himself until later, having his personal effects moved to Prague ahead of him instead. Browne went out himself (though he was also feeling rather sick too) to supervise the defense of the region.
 
On 18 April 1757, Frederick formally began his invasion of Bohemia from four directions. Having overrun and subdued Saxony (who weren't interested in getting involved in this war, thank you), he moved his main force (39,600) from Pirna down the Elbe River to Aussig, joining up on 25 April with Prinz Moritz von Anhalt-Dessau (19,300) marching from the west. (See campaign map above.) Meanwhile, the corps of Bevern (20,300) and Schwerin (34,300) started coming down through the mountains from the north in Lusatia and east from Silesia. All had orders to converge on the capital of Bohemia, Prague, on the Moldau River. Their target date was the first week of May. 
 
On the Austrian side, Marshal Browne was busy as a bee riding all over Bohemia, organizing and shoring up the defenses. In the east, around Königgratz, Serbelloni, with 27,000, was supposed to be checking Schwerin's advance in that region. In the center,  Königsegg, with his 23,000, was supposed to be intercepting the Prussians under Bevern (20,300) coming down through the mountains from Zittau. To the northwest of Prague, along the Elbe, Browne himself established a defensive position with 39,000 at Budin on the Eger River to stop Frederick's force himself. And marching from the west, Duke Arenburg was coming with another 24,000 men, covering Prinz Moritz's force, keeping them from crossing the Eger and turning Browne's flank. In all over 113,000 men to defend Bohemia against a more-or-less equal number of Prussians. Moreover, Browne was counting on another 37,000 men marching up from Vienna under Marshal Daun. If he could hold off Frederick's advance for two weeks, he would have force superiority in a central position. Strategic victory looked pretty damn good.

Then came Charles. 

Well..."pretty damn good" just turned into damned.  In the first place, Serbelloni, who was supposed to be blocking Schwerin in the northeast, was doing a pretty shitty job. For some reason he pulled all his covering cavalry and grenzer (irregular) forces in to concentrate them in Königgratz in eastern Bohemia. Then, when he was ordered by Browne to pull back and join the main army at Prague, he took his own sweet time. Instead, he moved all his personal belongings south to Pardubitz, (see map above) to protect them from Schwerin's raiders. And he didn't move at all for over a week.

Then, Königsegg, who was supposed to block Bevern up north, botches that assignment too. He splits his force, and is defeated by an inferior force (16,700 Austrians to 14,550 Prussians) at a minor action at Reichenberg on 21 April. He and his outlying wing under Macquire (10,200) then spend the next week retreating down to the Elbe to the crossing at Brandeis, which they were then supposed to block  to hold off the combined corps of Schwerin and Bevern. But he diminishes his own remaining force by dispatching some 6,000 men under d'Ursel 16 miles (26 km) east to the town of Nimburg to defend a magazine there, as well as several detachments of hussars and grenzer up and down the Elbe to watch any other crossing points.
 
Schwerin and Bevern join forces at Münchengrätz on the 26th and continue on down the Iser River to Brandeis on the Elbe.

On the western approaches, Frederick and Prinz Moritz join up southwest of the previous year's battlefield of Lobositz on the 26th. They march on with their combined 59,000 to the Eger, where they do a head fake and cross that river at Koschlitz, about 7 miles (12 km) west of Browne's main blocking force (39,100) at Budin. Duke von Arenburg, who is supposed to be watching this outflanking possibility, is still way to the west on that day and just misses it. Apparently he had sent ahead some hussars on the crossing at Koschlitz, which watch passively while the Prussians take their own sweet time laying the pontoon bridges in broad daylight. Arenburg does nothing to interfere with this crossing but veers southeast to try to join up with Browne.
 
Browne, however, seeing he is outflanked, orders a retreat to the next fortified position at Welwarn, and then to Tursko the next day, and then to Tucheinirschitz just five miles from the walls of Prague by the 30th. 

All this time, Serbelloni hasn't left Königgratz to join the main army at Prague. It's a schitzchau. (Sorry. I've been longing to use that bad pun.)

And then comes Charles.

On the 29th, Maria Theresa's brother-in-law (apparently feeling much better now, thank you) finally arrives at Prague to take command. As he approaches the city he notices signs of panic on the road, with thousands of civilians evacuating eastward with cartloads of their furniture. The city's streets themselves are clogged with the baggage trains of Browne's retreating army coming in from the north. Not a good omen. 
Archduke Charles of Lorraine
Maria-Theresa's Brother-in-Law


 
The next morning, the 30th, the Archduke rides up to Tucheinirschitz where Browne is in the process of digging earthworks to defend the capital. Charles puts his loving hand on Browne's shoulder and formally takes command. He calls a council of war of all the present generals to decide what to do. This was the way the Hapsburgs did it. One has to admire their commitment to the democratic process. And, like so many corporations today, their leadership loved to have brainstorming meetings. I imagine they would've loved white boards to write down all the ideas.
 
In the meeting Browne argues for defending the city from the west, and going on the offensive to outflank Frederick. Charles is all for abandoning Prague entirely and retreating somewhere east--and safe. He is also worried that Browne is exhausted and not thinking clearly.  The consensus of the generals is that Prague should be defended, but from the right bank (eastern side) of the Moldau, leaving the left bank to the Prussians. So Charles decides that's a good compromise. He also sends orders to Königsegg to move down from Brandeis to join the main army at Prague and to Serbelloni to hurry up and do the same thing. Königsegg obeys this order at once when he receives it, but Serbelloni somehow moves even slower. 

On 1 May Charles leads the retreat through Prague (though he probably would describe it as a redeployment), reaching the eastern side of the Moldau that evening. He calls another council of war and again makes his case to leave a strong garrison in Prague and retreat eastward with the rest of the army. Again he is overruled by the other generals (including Browne). But they do agree to reinforce the garrison in the city to 17,000. The rest of the army camps on the heights of the Ziskaberg and Schanzenberg ridges overlooking the Moldau and the Rocketnitzer stream to the north. Königsegg arrives the next day with his remaining troops from Brandeis. So, by 2 May the Austrian army on the ground east of Prague numbers just 61,000. They all spend the next few days digging entrenchments.

On 2 May Frederick had followed the retreating Austrians to the western outskirts of Prague  and sees that their whole army has retreated to the opposite side of the Moldau. He decides to throw pontoon bridges over the river north of the city and cross there, which he accomplishes on the 4th. On the 3rd he sends orders to Schwerin, who is some 20 miles northeast  at Unter-Sliwno and cross the Elbe to meet him at Gbell, three miles northeast of where the Austrians are busy preparing their defenses. Meanwhile, he leaves Marshal Keith on the left bank of the Moldau with 32,000 men to cover the westward approaches to the city and prevent a breakout by the Austrians.  After some delays and miscues, Schwerin does manage to cross the Elbe (now abandoned by Königsegg) and join up with Frederick near Gbell on the 5th (see battle map below). Their combined force in this area is now about 64,000 (having detached numerous units to guard their lines of communication). 
 
While these maneuvers are going on, Frederick also has Prinz Moritz throw some more pontoon bridges over the Moldau to the south of Prague and cross there with 30 squadrons of cavalry and a few grenadier battalions to cut off any Austrian retreat south. 
Count Serbelloni
What're you lookin' at?

Meanwhile, on the Austrian side, Charles wonders where the hell Serbelloni is. He sends another urgent galloper to that general asking "WTF? Over?" (in the 18th century German equivalent language).  Serbelloni, not having left his comfy quarters back at Königgratz, responds by saying he is sending a small detachment of grenzers under Puebla to Podiebratz, still 30 miles (48 km) away. Thanks for nothing. I have wondered why Charles didn't have this worthless turdblossom relieved the week before. The count had done absolutely nothing to impede Schwerin's approach. He hadn't moved to join the main army when directly ordered to. And when ordered again, ignored that order. Finally, on the 5th, the day before the battle, Marshal Daun arrives from Vienna near Serbelloni with 37,000 more men and summarily relieves that do-nothing. But none of this happened in time to turn the battle. Obviously, Count Serbelloni must've had had deep church connections at court to protect him (his predecessors included many Princes of the Church).

At 0600 on 6 May, Frederick's and Scwherin's combined forces meet just south of Gbell, just two miles northeast of the Austrian entrenchments. Schwerin's men had made a night march and hadn't slept in 48 hours. Austrian hussars and grenzers posted north of the Roketnitzer stream had reported all this to headquarters. Charles moved from Nusle over to Maleschitz, directly behind the hinge of the two wings of his army. His army was deployed in three lines from the Ziskaberg over to the heights above the ponds at Kej, approximately 4.4 miles (7 km). It was then bent south (en potence as they used to say in 18th century military jargon) to cover a possible attack from the east.

Even though his scouts reported that the Prussians seemed to be moving east instead of attacking his positions along the ridge, Charles didn't feel that Frederick would attack that day His defenses were so strong, in fact, that he doubted Frederick would have the nerve to attack him at all, but was merely heading off east to avoid contact. Flawless reasoning.  

But...he was wrong.

The deployment of the Austrian army at dawn on the 6th. Obviously, Charles expected an attack from Frederick from due north, where everyone could see he was assembling his forces. Browne, his second-in-command, was worried about the vulnerable right flank and set up batteries and emplacements to cover that sector. He also had the right flank cavalry face east, just in case. 

Note that the regiments on this map, as with all my other maps in this blog, are rendered in proportion to their actual footprint size on the battlefield, and also in the uniform coat color, accented with the regimental facing color. Though the Austrian army did not yet number their regiments until later in the century, I have annotated them here with that eventual number to aid in keeping track of them and researching their uniform colors for all you wargamers. In the Prussian army , regimental numbers had already been in effect.

(map image protected by Digimarc copyright,
© Jeffery P. Berry Trust, all rights reserved. Hi-res versions of these maps are available from the author at jeffery.berry@comcast.net.)



The Austrians stand down. 

Well. Charles was wrong about Frederick wanting to avoid battle. Incredibly, in spite of the observed rendezvous of Frederick and Schwerin on the heights to the north near Prosek, and in spite of their mysterious movement to the east, Charles ordered his army to stand down. He gave the order for the men to cook breakfast and then take their tents down. Browne, who was in charge of the right wing, thought this was imprudent and countermanded the order to stand down on his command.  Good thing (spoiler alert!).
 
Also incredibly, for some reason, whoever was in command of the cavalry (Lucchesi or Esterhazy) had allowed 300 men from each regiment the night before to go into town to celebrate Spring Break or something, and collect fodder for the horses, and ammunition. Why this was done on the eve of a potential huge battle seems the height of recklessness. Charles himself was mystified by it and presumably ordered everybody back that morning. The narratives I read did not say whether these men (potentially almost half the cavalry) made it back in time for the battle.

View looking roughly north from the center of the Austrian position on the Schanzenberg ridge toward where they first saw the Prussians about a mile-and-a-half north near Prosek. Of course, none of those high-rises would've been there 267 years ago. Image from Google Street View. Praha Bike Rents & Tours
 
Frederick, though, was all for attacking that morning. Though Schwerin's men were exhausted, having marched all night, and though the king himself was suffering from some stomach bug and throwing up, he ordered Schwerin and Winterfeldt to reconnoiter the eastern approaches for the  feasibility of attacking that way. The old field marshal and his staff rode over past Kej and assessed that the ground to the east of the Austrian position seemed to be mostly open meadows, perfect for attack. They also noticed that the Austrians all seemed to be facing north, not prepared for a flank attack. He came back and reported this to Frederick who ordered the whole army to start marching that way. 
 
By 0600 the Prussians were heading due east in two columns. Frederick had left Penavaire's cavalry division , Manstein's grenadiers, and his little brother Prince Henry's brigade, along with some 12 pounder guns in front of Gbell to make a demonstration and fix Charles's attention north. The Austrians could see the Prussians marching east, and were soon masked by the rolling hills to the northeast. Charles still assumed they were marching to distance themselves from Prague, leaving a rear guard.

Browne, on the east edge of the Austrian position up on the ridge above Hlaupetin, could see the truth: The Prussians were going to turn their flank! He had some guns in emplacements on that ridge which began to take long range potshots at the Prussian columns. By 0700 these columns started turning to the south toward Unter-Poczernitz. Browne ordered Königsegg's infantry and Lucchesi's cavalry to file right and move south to counter the coming flank attack. Lucchesi moved his 42 squadrons south of the village of Stebohol and Königsegg reformed his two brigades facing east along the high ground known as the Taborberg, down to the ridge known as the Homoleberg. Austrian heavy artillery were in the process of filing out of Prague and as those batteries came up, Browne positioned them facing east in front of the infantry. He also sent an alert to  Charles to the threat and called for support from the grenadier companies of the left wing to come over and extend the line (see 1000 map below).
 
With the troops he had, it was a long piece of ground that Browne had to cover. Prior to the battle he,  Charles, and the war council had resolved that the Austrian infantry should, for this instance, break from its standard deployment in four ranks to three ranks in order to extend the front. This was somewhat controversial among some of the more conservative officers. Browne and the progressives thought the fourth rank was useless anyway since it couldn't fire from that depth. The Prussians had been deploying in three ranks for years (as had the British and Dutch since the War of the Spanish Succession fifty years earlier). The more old school officers thought that the fourth rank provided more moral support, making the formation more steady. But they were overruled by the need to cover more ground in this particular battle. By the end of this year, the three-rank deployment had become standard in the Austrian infantry, it was so useful, even though four ranks remained formally in the training manual for decades.

All of this redeployment took time. Fortunately, with interior lines, the Austrians were able to realign their right flank in time to receive the expected Prussian attack. The Prussians not only had far more distance to cover, but as they approached Unter-Poczernitz, they discovered that the ground that Schwerin had judged to be open meadows was, in reality a morass of drained fishponds, thick with boot-sucking mud. The battalion guns and heavy artillery were forced to funnel through the narrow streets of Unter-Poczernitz, causing a major traffic jam. The infantry had to march either across the narrow causeway dam between the village and the pond to the east or along the high, wooded ground to the northwest, across the boggy Roketnitzerbach.  It took several hours for the first line of them to deploy on the western side, and then without their supporting guns. 
 
Schwerin resolved to launch an attack at once. By about 1000 Frederick, still not feeling that great, had come down to join him and asked his trusted old friend  if it wouldn't be wiser to wait until the supporting troops and the artillery had had time to join them. But Schwerin said he thought it was more advisable to strike early, while the Austrians were still redeploying. He used some homey German aphorism, "Frische Eier, gute Eier," ("Fresh eggs are good eggs", or "The early bird gets the worm." or "a stitch in time..." or some nonsense) to justify striking at once. There was also the belief in the Prussian army at the time that the mere sight of their troops marching resolutely with shouldered muskets would be enough to frighten any enemy into panic. Any enemy, apparently, but Austrians, as it turned out.

Causeway over the dam at Unter-Poczernitz which caused such a traffic jam for the Prussians. Image from panorama by Luke Hurryman on Google Maps.  
 


Schwerin loses his head. Literally.

By this time, Browne had managed to shore up his eastward-facing lines on the heights of the Taborberg and the Homoleberg. And he had brought up much of the Austrian reserve artillery to augment the three-pounder battalion guns supporting his infantry. The gap between his right flank and Lucchesi's cavalry down below Sterbohol had been filled by the 22 grenadier companies under Col. Guasco and two regiments from Arenberg's second line (Los Rios and Harrach). And Charles had already dispatched his second line under Wied and Clerici, as well as Maquire's reserve infantry back at Direktorhof to shore up Browne's lines.  These latter two, however, Charles countermanded the order to redeploy and then, after some more persuading, countermanded his countermand, so they got a late start.

On the Prussian side, after having given the order to General Winterfeldt,to attack at once with the first line of Prussians, without waiting for supports or artillery, Schwerin galloped down to Prince Schönaich's cavalry who were just lining up south of Sterbohol. He gave Schönaich the same order to attack the Austrian cavalry at once. The Prussian cavalry commander pointed out that his supporting dragoons had not yet come up (they were still negotiating the narrow causeway at up at Unter-Poczernitz) and that across the field, if the good Field Marshal would notice, the Austrian horse outnumbered him. The good Field Marshal didn't want excuses. He ordered the attack without delay and galloped back up toward the north to see how Winterfeldt's infantry assault was doing.

Not great.

These regiments got underway one at a time, and not in a concerted motion. As Winterfeldt led the line of Prussians up toward the Austrians, they met an onslaught of cross cannon fire, both from the high ground in front of the Austrian position and from their left as a battery of twelve pounders hammered their line obliquely from the Homoleberg. It was estimated that they had lost almost half their men before they even got within musket range of the Austrian line. As I pointed out earlier, they had almost none of their own artillery to answer the Austrians.  When they neared the main Austrian line, they were met with rolling musket volleys and canister from the three-pounder battalion guns. Winterfeldt himself was shot in the throat and taken from the field. At this point one regiment after another started to hesitate and fall back. Seeing this, the Austrian infantry cheered and spontaneously surged forward in a counter-attack. This caused the whole Prussian line to break. It was reported that many recent Catholic Silesian draftees among the Prussians, not thrilled at being here in the first place to fight their countrymen and coreligionists, actually stayed behind to hand their loaded muskets over to the attacking Austrians. Oh, the shame!

It was about this time that Schwerin galloped up to witness the collapse of the Prussian line. He was there to see Winterfeldt shot, and ordered him to be evacuated. Riding up to his own regiment (Schwerin #24) he rallied some of them, seized the regimental flag and started to lead them back to the attack. Just then a canister blast hit him directly in the heart and stomach and ripped off half his head. Needless to say, his horrified regiment resumed their flight. (Oh, and yes, he was dead, if that wasn't obvious.)

When the bad news was brought to Frederick about the death of his old friend and mentor, he was reported to have said "There is nothing we can do about that. Let's be determined as he was. March on!" But he must've been devastated. After the battle a memoirist says he came across the king sitting on a stump crying, and lamenting his dead friend.

Sanitized illustration of Marshall Schwerin getting his brains blown out rallying the #24 Schwerin Regiment. Artist: Richard Knötel , 1895.



 

 

 

 

 

And then there's this even more sanitized version of his death painted in the 18th century by Johann Frisch. Ahhh. Doesn't he look peaceful?  The artist should've put a sad puppy in the picture.


 Map of Situation about 1000. Browne and Charles finally notice that the Prussians are making an end-run and begin to redeploy to meet the new threat from the east. Kheul's troops and O'Donell's lone brigade of cavalry are left to guard the northern flank, in case this is just a feint. But all the other Austrian forces are frantically marching east, including the reserves. Most of the Austrian cavalry are moved to the southeast to keep the Prussians from enveloping that flank.

Meanwhile, back at the cavalry charge.

    General Schönaich, having his direct orders from Schwerin, and with only four of his cuirassier regiments (about 3,500 troopers in 20 squadrons), proceeded to launch his charge up the narrow ground between the swampy gully west of Sterbohol and the pond to the left. Lucchesi, commanding the Austrian cavalry, had about 4,340 men in 42 squadrons (assuming that the absentees on R&R back in Prague from the night before had returned). In addition he had just been reinforced by Charles who dispatched another 4,890 hussars under Hadik from the reserve, and then another 1,860 cuirassiers under Hohenzollern from the left wing. In all, Lucchesi had around 11,000 cavalry to face Schönaich's 3,500. He also dispatched some of Hadik's hussars to flank the oncoming Prussians from the south (see map above).

    Though hopelessly outnumbered, the  Prussian cuirassiers resolutely charged home against Lucchesi's first line, who waited to fire a salvo from their carbines and then launched a short counter-charge. The Prussians crashed into this line and drove it back. But then the supporting line of Austrians drove into these now-disordered Prussians and drove them back. They were also hit in the flank by the swarm of Hadik's hussars. So the survivors all retreated back to their start point south of Sterbohol to reform.

    Schönaich's dragoon regiments finally started to show up, having negotiated the narrow causeway above Unter-Poczernitz, raising his force to almost 7,000 (less any casualties from the first charge). Of course, he was still outnumbered by Lucchesi, but the latter took time to reform his own squadrons. The Prussian ordered another charge and yet another melee took place. But this time Frederick (who had moved down himself to Sterbohol) dispatched two hussar regiments (Puttkamer and Wartenberg) around the pond below Unter Mecholup to outflank the outflanking Austrian hussars. This melee rocked back and forth for the next couple of hours. 

 

Things begin to fall apart for the Austrians

    Up north, after the initial Austrian success in driving back the first Prussian infantry assault, Browne was at some pains to rally his victorious infantry, who had chased the fleeing enemy down the hill and were masking the big batteries up on the plateau. The reinforcements from Wied and Clerici had not yet come over into position to support them. The old marshal was in the process of rallying his disordered infantry when he was hit in the leg with a cannonball, shattering his tibia. He wasn't killed but had to be taken back to Prague. Königsegg and the other commanders of the right wing were also trying to get their infantry back up onto the hill behind the batteries, but as this was happening, 22 new battalions of Prussians led by General Hautchamoy and supported by Bevern began to show up on the north side of the Austrian line, near Hostawitz.

    This wasn't by plan, but by chance. What the lead battalions on this force found in front of them was a gap left wide open on the left of the Austrian line after those infantry had run down the hill to the southeast, chasing the fleeing Prussians. Into the gap these battalions attacked the disordered flank of the jubilant Austrians, who had, until then, thought they had just won the battle. Ooops! And what began as a victorious chase reversed itself.

    Memoirs from the battle record that the ground was dotted with scrub trees and bushes so that no one could really tell what was going on. So the envelopment by the northernmost Prussian battalions of the Austrian position happened by chance, with each battalion or even company discovering the Austrian units as they stumbled through the scrub.  And the Austrians on that side, not realizing there was a gap, also started to discover they were being outflanked. One by one the Austrian infantry battalions began to rally but fall back as the fresh Prussians came at them from the north, and other fresh infantry began to show up below them opposite the plateau.

    The Prussian battalions under Bevern surprised and began to hit one Austrian regiment after another as they moved south through the scrub, starting a ripple effect as each retreated west. It wasn't a rout. The Austrian units fell back in relative order slowly, but inexorably. The whole action reminds me of a very similar battle, involving another unintended gap in the line and a slow, orderly withdraw; Chickamauga in 1863, of which I wrote another blog post.

Landscape between Kej and Hostawitz, where Bevern's battalions found the gap to the north of the Austrian line: open fields broken up by scrub woods and brush. They probably wouldn't have marched in ordered lines. Image from Google Street View.


    About 1100, to the south, where the cavalry battle had been swinging back and forth, General Zeiten, with all his Prussian hussar regiments, looped around the pond north of Unter-Mecholup (again, see map) and launched a fresh attack on the Austrian cavalry, now more-or-less spent. This caused all of these regiments to retreat to the southeast, past Zabelitz and Unter Rostel (I drop these names so you can refer to them on the map, not because I expect you to say, "Oh yeah! Zabelitz! I know it well! Great pizza place there!"). The southern flank of the Austrian position was now completely exposed. However, the Prussian cavalry itself was so exhausted and battered that it could not exploit its victory.


Final Phase: The Austrians Retreat

    By noon, to the north of the cavalry action, Frederick's second line of infantry finally managed to make it over the Roketnitzer through the causeway at Unter-Poczernitz and deploy. These had their battalion artillery with them. They also had all of Frederick's heavy guns, which had, after three hours, managed to squeeze throught the narrow streets of the village and unlimber enmasse to the southeast and center opposite the Austrian positions. All of this artillery and fresh infanty, combined with Hautcharmoy's and Bevern's assaults up at "the gap" tunred out to be the tipping point. Without Browne's leadership the entire right wing of the Austrian line started to fall back in sections. Charles, about this time, too, who had moved his headquarters to Maleschitz earlier that morning, suddenly had a pain in his throat and lost consciousness. His staff evacuated him first to Nusle, where he regained consciousness but didn't know where he was. Then they moved him back into Prague. So the Austrian army was now, at the height of the crisis, leaderless.

    The action of the narratives I read (Duffy, Kronoskaf, Asprey) and the Prussian General Staff maps I used as reference all differed in detail about which regiments were where during the next two hours of the gradual Austrian withdrawal. My maps are more or less derived from the General Staff ones, which aren't the easiest to decipher. It sounded pretty chaotic. But, in general, without central leadership the Austrian army slowly folded back toward Prague, eventually forming up outside of the city wall s in a north-south double line from the Ziskaberg down to the farm at Stomka, about 2,000 yards. The advance of the Prussians was itself not particularly coherent and these suffered terrible casualties from the stubborn Austrian intantry and almost  suicidal banzai charges from the remains of the Austrian cavalry under O'Donell, who slowed up the Prussian offensive heroically. The retreat was so stubborn, in fact, that it was at this stage that the Prussians suffered their greatest casualties of the entire battle.

    Manstein, up north,  frustrated at not being part of the action he could only see and hear from the smoke and gunfire to the south, decided to take his grenadier battalions and attack the grenzers holding the narrow, wooded ridge between Hrdlorzez and Kej, where the Rocketnitzer looped. These grenzer infantry fought back for awhile, long enough for their artillery in the emplacements up there to escape. Both sides suffered large casualties. But soon the Prussian grenadiers took the position. Prince Henry (Frederick's little brother), also not wanting to be left out of the action, led his brigade of one grenadier battalion (which he detached to Manstein), the #3 Anhalt regiment, and the #13 Itzenplitz, #17 Manteuffel, and Wangenheim Grenadiers down that ridge to. When they got to the gorge formed by the Rocketnitzer at the village of  Hrdlorzez, Henry tried to personally lead the leading regiment in the column, the Itzenplitz, over the stream. He plunged into the water first to show them it was fordable and promptly sank in up to his chest. The men pulled him out, muddy and soaking. Nevertheless, they did find a shallower part and Henry led them across to continue the drive to roll up the Austrian northern line. His older brother was very proud of him when he later learned of this exploit.


Prince Heinrich leading the #13 Itzenplitz across the Roketnitzerbach. Nice try. Also by Richard Knötel , 1895.



Google Street View image of the approximate crossing site at Hdrlorzez today, looking south from the north bank. Looks fordable to me.


 

    Henry only manages to get two regiments across the Roketnitzer. But these (#3 Anhalt and#13 Itzenplitz) and some artillery manage to maul Clerici's Austrians across the stream on the Taborberg. Clerici himself is killed. All the Austrians fall back in this sector. But now Henry faces Kheul's fresh regiments who had been facing north on the Schanzenberg and are now swung right to block him. He's outnumbered. He sends an order to General Penavaire, with the right wing Prussian cavalry up on the north side of the stream to cross and charge Kheul in the flank. For some reason only one regiment obeys this order (Schönaich Cuirassiers C #6). They make a half-hearted charge and fall back. Maybe Penavaire thought, "I only take orders from the king, not his little brother."

    Henry is eventually reinforced by Manstein and and comes to a halt about 1500, facing the remaining resolute Austrians on the Ziskaberg. The rest of the Prussian army has also driven as far as Directorhof where it pulls up short against the new, eastward-facing, and rallied Austrian line. The battle peters out; both sides bloody and exhausted.

    The rest of the afternoon and evening Kheul expertly supervises the careful withdrawal into the fortifications of Prague. Frederick lets them go. That night Charles, who seems to have recovered from his fainting spell, calls another war council. He lobbies for giving up Prague and escaping with the army to the south and back to Vienna, essentially giving up Bohemia. Browne, who is in a lot of pain from his smashed leg (I've had my own tibia splintered in several pieces--not from a cannonball--it hurts!), argues for keeping Prague. He is seconded by the other generals. His reasoning is that Prague is the key to Bohemia and that Frederick can't leave it untaken in his rear. He also argue sthat a general siege will cost the Prussians a lot, weakening them while Marshal Daun to the east assembles a fresh army around Kolin (which word has it he is doing at that very moment).

    "Well, fine," Charles throws up his hands.



 
Climax of the battle about noonish. Schwerin is decapitated just before this. Browne is hit by a cannon ball and taken off the field. Charles passes out and is taken back to Prague. Everything falls apart for the Austrian side, which had been holding its own all morning.


 

Was this a Prussian victory?

The history books say so. Under the genteel customs of 18th century warfare, the side which camps on the field of battle can declare victory. So, under that criterion, Frederick claimed it. But at a horrific cost. The Austrians suffered 9,089 casualties (killed and wounded), including Browne (probably their best general) and Clerici, plus another 4,235 taken prisoner, for a grand total of 13,324. But the carnage was even worse on the Prussian side with 14,287 casualties, including some of their finest generals--Schwerin, Winterfeldt, Hautcharmoy, and Fouqué among them. While the Prussians also captured some 33 Austrian cannon and some regimental flags, the Austrians also hauled in four Prussian guns, and a number of colors. They also managed to save 156 guns, 82% of their original artillery, not including all the garisson guns inside Prague. They were hardly a defreated army.

Prague itself had been well provisioned for a long siege before the battle. Its defenses were formidable. And though some 15,000 Austrians had escaped south from the battlefield to eventually join up with Daun at Kolin, Charles still had over 60,000 troops inside the city (including the original garrison). And much of the population had evacuated before the battle. While this would've been a terrible hardship for them, the reduction of mouths to feed during the siege made it easier for the Austrians to hold out.

For his part Frederick had not achieved his initial objective for the campaign; the capture of Prague. Instead he was faced with a costly siege, for which his army was not prepared.  And Marshal Daun, arriving at Kolin 46 miles to the east (74 km) on the day of the battle with 37,000 fresh troops,  with the addtion of Serbelloni's army and those fugitives from Prague, would soon have 85,000 men at his disposal.
 
A memorist, Kalkreuth, describes coming across Frederick sitting on a stump after the battle weeping to his brother, Prince Henry.  "Our losses are frightful. Field Marshall Schwerin is dead!" According to Kalkreuth, he began to list the losses, both personal friends and horrific general casualties, and became so overcome he could no longer speak. I don't think, at the time, he thought he'd won a victory.
 
So, 18th century custom or not, I would say that Frederick did not win this battle. It was actually a strategic defeat. Within five weeks, he would be forced to break off the siege of Prague and head east to confront Daun, and his first battlefield defeat of his career at Kolin

Armchair General Section

So what are we to make of this battle? Aside from about whether or not it was a Prussian victory, what were its features?

For one, the campaign up to the battle was masterfully played out by Frederick, Schwerin and the other Prussian commanders. They out-maneuvered the Austrians and sucker-punched them a number of times. 
 
On the Austrian side, while Browne played his part well, he was not well served by his subcommanders, Serbelloni, Arenburg, and Königsegg. And when Charles finally showed up, all he wanted to do was give up. But overall, the Austrians managed their resources carefully and maintained the central position, not letting the Prussians get to Prague before them.
 
The opening phase of the battle itself was also managed well by Frederick. Employing another head-fake, he managed to execute an end run around the Austrian right flank, much like Alexander did at the Granicus  and The Jhelum over two thousand years before, and perfected by Frederick at the end of this year at Leuthen and the next year at Zorndorf. That maneuver became his signature. 

The Austrians were well-dug in, having had five days to do so. But they were expecting an attack from the north and failed to adequately prepare their vulnerable right. Fortunately, Browne was perceptive enough to see what Frederick was doing that morning and was able to shift his front to the right to meet the Prussian assault from Unter-Poczernitz. But Charles, not the brightest of C-in-C's, at first countered this move and delayed the reinforcement from the center to his right (something he would do catastrophically again at Leuthen later that same year). He was the master of bad calls.

Now the Prussians made a series of mistakes. When Frederick asked his good friend Schwerin to go check out the ground to the east, the 73-year-old apparently just gave it a cursory glance from a distance and said it looked good. What he didn't realize, had he rode up to it and tested it himself, or sent his staff, was that it was broken up and swampy; a series of drained fish ponds that wouldn't take cavalry, artillery, or even infantry formations. This sloppy reconnaissance cost Frederick several hours, bottling up his artillery and infantry in choke points.

The next error came when Schwerin, realizing his mistake, tried to make up for it by ordering an immediate attack by the first units to make it through Unter-Poczernitz, without waiting for artillery or supporting forces.  This resulted in disaster as the first infantry and cavalry charges were repulsed.  This is what happens when you substitute homey aphorisms (Fresh eggs make good eggs) for careful execution. 

Schwerin's third mistake came in trying to personally rally his own regiment instead of keeping his head (literally) and managing his overall command. It would've been like Patton taking personal command of one of this tanks.  While brave and worthy of statues in German parks, it was reckless. Frederick himself was sick and tried manfully to maintain control of the overall army, but he could've used some help as the whole operation became chaotic, devolving into many individual combats at the intitiative of individual battalions.

On the Austrian side, Browne, also got too involved with micro-management. Instead of delegating the rallying and calling back of his victorious infantry, he felt he had to personally do so, which involved, like Schwerin, his paying for it with an incapacitating wound. While his wound didn't kill him (for several weeks anyway), it was bad enough to remove him from the battlefield. He should have, instead of rushing to the heat of the battle, stayed on top of the Taborberg and managed the reinforcing regiments marching over. This would have avoided the opening of the fatal gap on the north side of the Austrian right wing.

In all, the character of the battle was one of mismanagement and bad, impulsive calls on both sides.
 
In terms of the scale of this battle, even though it was pretty obscure, it was, as I said at the beginning of this article, one of the biggest and most bloody of the 18th century. With 125,000 engaged, and over 27,000 casualties (22%) it rivaled Antietam or Blenheim for bloodiest day.

 
Wargaming Prague

Any game involving an 18th century battle is fun for wargamers, particularly miniature wargamers, since the uniforms are so colorful. But whatever your game engine is, certain things should be taken into account:

Formations
Both sides' infantry formations used three ranks. Though four ranks were the regulation deployment for the Austrian infantry at this time, for this battle it was ordered that they should deploy on four. This would make the Austrian firepower the equivalent of the Prussian. If your rules provide greater morale for deeper formations, this would reduce the morale for the Austrian infantry accordingly. But it would also reduce the cannonball effect.
 
At this stage of the war, cavalry (both cuirassiers and dragoons) on both sides would have deployed in three ranks. Hussars were in two.
 
Ground
Ground to the eastern side of the battlefield would've been obstructed by many ponds and bogs. For the wargame, this would create several obstacles to both movement and artillery fire. 
 
Austrians would be on higher ground at the beginning of the battle, giving them greater firepower and reducing the effect of any Prussian fire uphill (muskets or cannon).
 
Supporting Artillery
In the early stages of the battle most of the Prussian artillery (both battalion 3-pdrs and heavier field pieces) would have been stuck on the far side of the Roketnitzer stream at Unter-Poczernitz. The Austrians, however, would have all of their artillery available. 
 
Leader Vulnerability
One of the features of this battle was how decisive the loss of a charismatic leader was. If your game rules provide for leader morale bonus, they should also provide for a morale loss if a leader is in the front and is killed. 

Scenarios
  1. Frederick takes more time to deploy on the east. This would allow for the Prussian player to bring up his full strength. But it would also provide more time for the Austrian player to shore up his.

  2.  Frederick attacks from the south. Prussian player makes an even wider circuit (as Frederick did at Zorndorf the following year) and attacks from the south, which was not as swampy.

  3. Charles is sick from the start and doesn't take part. This would give the Austrian player (as Browne) more flexibility in deployment.

  4. Austrian Cavalry is halved in strength. Assume that the half of the troopers that were given leave the night before don't make it back from the city to rejoin their regiments in time.

  5. Serbelloni and Daun both show to save the day. It would be fun to see what would happen if, even late in the day, Daun's 64,000 showed up from the east. You could devise a roll of the die after, say, noon to see if they showed up.
 
 

Orders of Battle

The following OOB lists were compiled primarily from the Kronoskaf article on the battle. The units only include those actually participating in the battle and not the Austrian garrison inside Prague itself, or Gen. Keith's Prussian forces besieging the city from the western bank of the Moldau.

Command, besides listing the name of each command, this cell is also color-coded for the primary uniform coat color of the regiment.  The numeric code before each name is the later numerical designation in the Prussian and Austrian armies. Prussia began numbering its regiments as early as 1737. Austria didn't start numbering its regiments until after 1769, but I have included the later number of those for aid in your own research since the inhaber (owner/commander) of each regiment changed over the course of its history.  Kronoskaf or Duffy (see References below) are both excellent resources to look up the history of each regiment.

Facing is color-coded in the facings of the regiment (e.g. cuffs, lapels, etc.) For more precise uniform information I refer you to Kronoskaf or Duffy. Under this column, too, is the Military Symbol coding for the command (division , brigade, regiment, squadron, etc. as well as the code for the type of unit; infantry, cavalry, artillery).

Flags displays miniatures of the flags carried into battle by the units, both the colonel's color on the left (carried by the 1st company of the first battalion) and the regimental colors ( also known as ordnance flags), carried by all the rest in the regiment. Where units did not carry flags on campaign (like hussars or combined grenadier battalions), this cell is left blank.

Strength   MAJOR CAVEATKronoskaf and other sources I used gave approximate total strengths of the participants. To get to these estimates, I took an attrition rate based on those approximations and applied that to the official parade states of all the units evenly, rounding to the nearest ten--unless Kronoskaf reported a specific roster from a particular regiment for the day of the battle--that's clear, isn't it? So, it should go without saying: Do not use these precise numbers in any academic context without taking that caveat. Of course, each individual regiment probably varied considerably from what I have listed here. These are still approximations.
 
Guns are the number of artillery tubes assigned to each command. For this OOB, since sections were assigned to individual battalions for close support, I have reflected that here. I also speculated on the caliber since I didn't have actual TOE data on each specific unit. Moreover, the Prussian Army was then in the process of replacing its older 3 pounders with newer 6 pounders as close support, with the priority given to first line regiments. Also during this period, the Austrian Army was,starting to add 7 pound howitzers to its battalion artillery. I have arbitrarily assigned those calibers to each unit to reflect this.

Ranks is the standard deployment depth for each type and army at the time of the battle for each army. Later in the war, both armies would reduce their tactical ranks, but as of 1757, both were still deploying according to older doctrine.

Subunits, list the building blocks for each type of command, for instance a Prussian musketeer regiment would have two battalions of five companies. For further details on subunits, I again refer to the Kronoskaf site.
 
 Notes is used to mark artillery calibers, or relative position of larger commands in each army. But I've also used this to show the color schemes of Prussian grenadier and fusilier headgear, for quick reference. Again, for anyone painting models, I refer to Kronoskaf.




References

I relied on the following references in composing this post, maps, and OOB, with most of the detail coming from Duffy and Kronoskaf, the latter probably the finest amalgam of information on this war and period.

Asprey, Robert, "Frederick the Great: A Magnificent Enigma", Ticknor & Fields, ISBN 0-89919-352-8

Duffy, Christopher, "The Army of Frederick the Great",  Emperor Press, ISBN 1-883476-02-X

Duffy, Christopher, "Frederick the Great: A Military Life", Routledge, ISBN 0-415-00276-1

Duffy, Christopher, "The Army of Maria Theresa", Terence Wise, ISBN 0-7153-7387-0 

Duffy, Christopher, "Instrument of War: The Austrian Army in the Seven Years War", Emperor's Press, ISBN 1-883476-19-4

Duffy, Christopher, "Military Experience in the Age of Reason," Atheneum, 1987, ISBN 0-689-11993-3

Duffy, Christopher, "By Force of Arms: Vol 2 of The Austrian Army in the Seven Years War", Emperor's Press, ISBN 1-883476-39-4

Frederick the Great, "The Art of War", Da Capo Press, 1999, ISBN 0-306-80908-7 

Haythornethwaite, Philip, "Frederick the Great's Army 1  Cavalry", Osprey Publishing, ISBN 1-85532-134-3 

Haythornethwaite, Philip, "Frederick the Great's Army 2  Infantry", Osprey Publishing, ISBN 1-85532-160-2

Haythornethwaite, Philip, "Frederick the Great's Army 3  Specialist Troops", Osprey Publishing, ISBN 1-85532-225-0

Haythornethwaite, Philip, "The Austrian Army 1740-80: 1  Cavalry", Osprey Publishing, ISBN 1-85532-415-6

Haythornethwaite, Philip, "The Austrian Army 1740-80: 2  Infantry", Osprey Publishing, ISBN 1-85532-418-0

Haythornethwaite, Philip, "The Austrian Army 1740-80: 3  Specialist Troops", Osprey Publishing, ISBN 1-85532-4180

Millar, Simon, "Kolin 1757: Frederick the Great's first defeat", Osprey Publishing, Campaign 91, 2001, ISBN  1-84176-297-0

Nosworthy, Brent, "The Anatomy of Victory: Battle Tactics 1689-1763" Hippocrene, ISBN0-87052-785-1

Online References:

Kronoskaf: Seven Years War: Battle of Prague

Plan der Schlact bei PragDie Kriege Friederchs des Grossen II, 1890, Berlin, Prussia. Armee. Grosser Generalstab. Kriegsgeschichtliche Abteilung  This source was invaluable for my creation of the battle maps and the position and composition of the contending forces. 



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